Daniel Marans
@dmarans
Food for thought on the immigration debate that I, a liberal, hadn't considered: If there is little-to-no bureaucracy needed for someone to show up and either claim asylum or just live off the books (provided they're not sent back right away), what might be the unintended impact of having elaborate bureaucratic procedures for sending people back to their countries of origin? Might it be create perverse incentives? https://x.com/danielmarans/status/1904590066355495015
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Alex
@asenderling.eth
1. I reject the framing by Fischer. Biden turned away and had millions of encounters that led to 'deportations'. 2. Biden/Ds were willing to pass and sign the border bill which would have put up restrictions around and expedited asylum claims 3. Boasberg is not preventing deportation proceedings, the admin could still proceed with these for anyone they think is a TdA member. He's blocking determining they're members of TdA and subject to AEA removals to foreign prisons without a habeas petition. Under Biden asylum claims already require documentation/evidence, not just anyone is able to get into the US on a bogus claim and stay indefinitely. Are there bad claims? I'm sure. How widespread of a problem is it? I don't know, but I know one big way to fix it is to properly fund asylum courts which Trump isn't doing and shut down the Border Bill which would have done that.
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Señor Doggo
@fubuloubu
Creating a narrative shift that the perverse incentives are reversing is more valuable than actually reversing the perverse incentive (or even equalizing it)
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androidsixteen 🌲
@androidsixteen.eth
A variant on Brandolini's Law: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brandolini%27s_law That said, this is the cost of due process and fairness -- you must use the process to ensure impartiality. But you want to minimize usage of the process where possible because it's expensive Throwing due process out due to cost is a dangerous move
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