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A Farcaster Exclusive
Part 5 of 5 (The Final Chapter)
1 of 2
The Colonial Legacy and the Persistence of Exploitative Structures in Post-Independence Pakistan (1874-Present)
Overview
This paper examines the persistence of colonial exploitative structures in post-independence Pakistan from 1874 to the present, tracing how institutional frameworks established by the East India Company and consolidated under Crown rule continue to shape Pakistani governance and society. Analysis of military dominance, administrative structures, and economic policies reveals how colonial mechanisms of control and extraction have been adapted and perpetuated by post-independence elites. Pakistan's military-bureaucratic apparatus represents a direct continuation of colonial governance structures designed to maintain control over populations and resources. Independence did not eliminate colonial exploitation but transferred its mechanisms to indigenous elites who maintain the same extractive relationships established during Company rule.
Introduction
The dissolution of the East India Company in 1874 marked the formal end of corporate colonialism in India, yet the institutional frameworks and exploitative mechanisms established during Company rule persisted under Crown administration and continue to shape governance in post-independence Pakistan. The regions that would become Pakistan experienced particular forms of colonial control that emphasized military dominance and administrative authoritarianism.
Independence in 1947 did not eliminate colonial exploitation but transferred its mechanisms to indigenous elites who maintain the same extractive relationships established during Company rule. Pakistan's military-bureaucratic apparatus represents a direct continuation of colonial governance structures designed to maintain control over populations and resources.
The Militarization of Punjab and the Northwest Frontier
Colonial administration in the regions that would become Pakistan established institutional frameworks that prioritized military control over civilian governance. The strategic importance to colonial India's defense and its close association with the army meant "the militarization of the administration of Punjab" and the fusion of "the military, civil and political authorities into a unique civil-military regime . . . not replicated elsewhere in British India." This militarization created institutional frameworks that would persist after independence. Colonial policies in these regions established patterns of military dominance that would characterize post-independence governance in Pakistan. The fusion of military, civil, and political authorities created a governance model that prioritized control over democratic participation.
The Garrison State Legacy
Colonial administration policies in these regions created what scholars have termed a "garrison state" mentality that would persist after independence. This authoritarian military-bureaucratic apparatus took control of Pakistan in 1947, thus perpetuating the "garrison state." Colonial legacy established institutional frameworks that prioritized military control over civilian governance. The garrison state legacy reflects colonial administration's approach to governing frontier regions through military control. Colonial policies in these regions established patterns of military dominance that would characterize post-independence governance in Pakistan.
The Continuation of Colonial Administrative Structures
The creation of Pakistan in 1947 involved the transfer of colonial administrative structures to indigenous elites who maintained the same extractive relationships established during Company rule. Colonial authority structure and the 1947 partition-oriented structural dynamics provided an important structural construct in explaining politics and the military in post-colonial Pakistan. The transfer of colonial apparatus to Pakistani elites maintained the institutional frameworks established during colonial rule. Colonial administration's approach to governing these regions through military control and administrative authoritarianism persisted after independence.
The Military-Bureaucratic Alliance
Colonial legacy in Pakistan manifested in the persistence of the military-bureaucratic alliance that had characterized colonial governance. The military has dominated politics and national security in Pakistan since the decade following independence from British colonial rule in August 1947.
The military-bureaucratic alliance in post-independence Pakistan represents a direct continuation of colonial governance structures. Colonial administration's approach to governing these regions through military control and administrative authoritarianism persisted after independence.
The Institutional Framework of Military Control
Pakistan's military dominance reflects the institutional frameworks established during colonial rule. Since its creation in 1947, Pakistan has been under military dictatorship spanning a total of 34 years. When not directly in power, the military elite have discreetly engaged in hybrid regimes, exerting influence on civilian governments from behind the scenes.
The persistence of military dominance in Pakistan reflects colonial legacy of militarized governance. British colonial legacy has played a vital role in shaping Pakistan's military today. British generals continued to head Pakistan's military until 1951, when the authority was transferred to General Ayub Khan. Seven years later, Ayub became Pakistan's second president through a military coup.
The Intelligence Apparatus and Control
Colonial legacy in Pakistan manifested in the creation of intelligence apparatus designed to maintain control over civilian populations. This foundation led to the establishment in 1948 of the spy agency Inter Services Intelligence. It gained remarkable influence in the 1980s, when the US covertly waged a war in Afghanistan using Pakistan as a proxy against the declining Soviet Union.
Intelligence apparatus in Pakistan represents a direct continuation of colonial control mechanisms. Colonial administration's approach to governing these regions through surveillance and control persisted after independence.
The Continuation of Extractive Economic Structures
Colonial legacy in Pakistan manifested in the continuation of extractive economic structures that prioritized elite interests over popular welfare. Colonial administration's approach to economic governance through extraction and control persisted after independence.
The persistence of extractive economic structures in Pakistan reflects colonial legacy of economic exploitation. Colonial administration's approach to economic governance through extraction and control persisted after independence.
The Military-Industrial Complex
Colonial legacy in Pakistan manifested in the creation of a military-industrial complex that prioritized military interests over civilian welfare. The military's influence in Pakistan extends beyond politics and the economy. The military's economic interests reflect colonial legacy of militarized governance that prioritized control over development.
The military-industrial complex in Pakistan represents a direct continuation of colonial economic structures. Colonial administration's approach to economic governance through military control and extraction persisted after independence.
The Persistence of Colonial Administrative Culture
Colonial legacy in Pakistan manifested in the persistence of colonial administrative culture that prioritized control over service. Colonial administration's approach to governance through bureaucratic control and extraction persisted after independence.
The persistence of colonial administrative culture in Pakistan reflects the institutional frameworks established during colonial rule. The universities of Pakistan were established by the colonial British government in 1858 to produce educated Indians to serve in the expanding bureaucracy. This educational system prioritized administrative control over intellectual development.
The Elite Capture of State Resources
Colonial legacy in Pakistan manifested in the elite capture of state resources that prioritized elite interests over popular welfare. Colonial administration's approach to governance through elite control and extraction persisted after independence.
Elite capture of state resources in Pakistan reflects colonial legacy of extractive governance. Colonial administration's approach to governance through elite control and extraction persisted after independence.
The Military's Political Dominance
Colonial legacy in Pakistan continues to manifest in the military's political dominance that prioritizes military interests over civilian governance. Pakistan's former military chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa declared at the end of his tenure the military would no longer meddle in politics. However, the recent arrest of former Prime Minister Imran Khan – once seen as the "army's blue-eyed boy" – and the army's intention to prosecute civilian protesters under military laws proves the men in uniform are still very much in politics. The military's political dominance in Pakistan reflects colonial legacy of militarized governance. Colonial administration's approach to governance through military control and extraction persisted after independence. 1 reply
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Something I’d like to write more about at some point: The Meiji Restoration
The Meiji Restoration and all of the characters, all of the political powers that came into play, how it happened, the geopolitical backdrop as to the amalgamation of Tokugawa forces, anti-Shogunate forces having their hand forced ultimately by the British-Japanese war, Satsuma, Choshu. Essentially going to war with foreign forces and realizing that they're very literally outgunned, so they must adopt Western ways or survive. Anti-Shogunate forces rising up against Shogunate forces which are internally also having a revolution.
Also, it's not just the anti-shogunate forces that are modernizing. There are forces within the Tokugawa Shogunate that are also fighting for the future of what would eventually become Japan for the soul of what would eventually become Japan. They understand they need to modernize. They team up with Napoleon III in France and choose to revolutionize internally their bureaucratic processes and technological production as well.
And all kinds of underpinned by this romantic, a philosophical and spiritual underpinning of returning to a Japan that was pre-Shogunate. Returning to an imperial Japan where the emperor was at the top in the 7th or 6th century. This also happened partially because finally the Shinto forces and the Buddhist forces (Buddhism that was being imported from China at the time in the 7th century) had gone to war and finally settled on what was eventually a hybrid modernization at the time of a Buddhist-Shinto culture that could stand side-by-side.
Which, by the way, is completely unthinkable in modern Japan because of how seamlessly Shinto Jinja and Buddhist Temple Otera are coexisting side-by-side. Of course, people like Shotoku Taishi and Hatano Kawakatsu who put in place an institution and system to unite different families and heads of families that were fighting on the Buddhist side or the Shinto side.
Anyway, long story short, this movement is called Sonno-Joi 尊王攘夷 ironically, there are anti-foreign powers. What's interesting that happens over time is that there are anti-foreign son no joy powers and son no joy powers that are interested in using the technologies of foreign countries like Britain and America. Internally, the anti-shogunate forces go through this process of wanting to return the emperor to the throne, but they bicker with each other about whether they should actually do it or not. They also debate whether they should do it in this purest way, with no foreign powers involved, or whether they should involve the foreign powers.
This really changes in the 1862 when Satsuma ends up going to war with Britain. In what's known as the Anglo-Satsuma War. Not long after, Choshu ends up in the same position they go to war with, England. What becomes abundantly clear is that Britain has way too much firepower, and that they are completely dead in the water.
So long story short, there's a lot of innovative thinking in Satsuma and Choshu to adopt or die. Another important one of the anti-shogunate forces is Saga.
I can keep going but maybe I just turn this into a longer post, because this is barely scratching the surface 2 replies
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During the 1948 Nakba, Palestinian Christians were significantly affected as part of the broader displacement of approximately 750,000 Palestinians who were expelled or fled from their homes, representing around 80% of the Palestinian Arab inhabitants of what became Israel. In West Jerusalem alone, over 50% of Christian Palestinians lost their homes according to historian Sami Hadawi. The expulsion left the multi-denominational Christian Arab communities in disarray, with differential policies applied, while some Christians in the Galilee were allowed to remain when Muslims were expelled, others like those in Iqrit and Bir’im faced permanent expulsion by Israeli forces. Given that Christians comprised approximately 70,000 of Palestine’s 689,000 residents in 1914, this minority community experienced substantial displacement alongside the broader Palestinian population during the systematic expulsion by the Israelis. 0 reply
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